The temporal interpretation of clause chaining in Northern Paiute

To appear in Language.

Northern Paiute uses clause chaining to express certain temporal relations between clauses, which are conveyed by temporal subordinators such as after and while in English. Rather than a subordination structure, however, I show that clause chaining in the language has an underlying coordination structure. I propose that temporal relations between the clauses in a chain arise, in part, from verbal morphology conveying relative tense. In Northern Paiute, relative tense can be bound in a coordination structure, as in an embedded clause in other languages (Ogihara 1994, 1995, 1996, Abusch 1997). In addition, I argue that this semantics is enriched pragmatically to produce a 'forward moving' temporal interpretation characteristic of narrative discourse (Kamp and Rohrer 1983, among others). This in-depth investigation of one language raises questions about the syntax and semantics of clause chaining in other languages.

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The imperfective semantics of durative gemination in Northern Paiute

Like other Numic languages (Uto-Aztecan), Northern Paiute has a morphological process of durative gemination, which conveys some type of aspectual category. I describe the semantics of durative gemination in Northern Paiute, locating it within an emerging formal typology of imperfective aspect. Like the imperfective aspect in other languages, durative gemination has an event-in-progress interpretation, in addition to a number of other interpretations. Somewhat unexpectedly, one of these does not depict the internal structure of an event, but rather the event as a whole. I identify parallels between this completed interpretation for durative gemination in Northern Paiute and similar interpretations for the imperfective aspect in better-studied languages.

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Vocabulary insertion and locality: Verb suppletion in Northern Paiute

To appear in North East Linguistic Society (NELS) 46.

In Distributed Morphology, the insertion of vocabulary entries can be conditioned by the surrounding context. There are two locality constraints that are generally thought to constrain this contextual allomorphy: a restriction on its domain and an adjacency requirement. Northern Paiute reveals something about both these locality conditions. Verb suppletion in the language requires the domain of contextual allomorphy to extend beyond both a maximal projection (Bobaljik 2012) and syntactic sisterhood (Bobaljik and Harley 2013). But the outer limits of this domain remain out of sight, at least in Northern Paiute. Verb suppletion exhibits an intervention effect: the trigger must be the closest possible trigger. In the spirit of Arregi and Nevins (2012), I propose this arises from an adjacency requirement that is relativized to syntactic category. This successfully accounts for verb suppletion in Northern Paiute, and it may help with several recalcitrant cases of non-local contextual allomorphy.

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On gapping and negation

This is an unpublished excerpt from a longer paper that eventually became "Embedding the antecedent in gapping: Low coordination and the role of parallelism" (see the original version on LingBuzz).

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On gapping and remnant movement

This is another unpublished excerpt from a longer paper that eventually became "Embedding the antecedent in gapping: Low coordination and the role of parallelism" (see the original version on LingBuzz).

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Persian

To appear in The Oxford handbook of ellipsis, Jeroen van Craenenbroeck and Tanja Temmerman, eds.

There are elliptical constructions in Persian whose properties diverge from their better studied counterparts. While gapping and stripping in the language are restricted to coordination structures, they allow for both the missing material and its antecedent to be embedded. Stripping and fragment answers are insensitive to island constraints. There is a type of verb phrase ellipsis in which the nonverbal element and internal arguments of a complex predicate go missing; this can also strand a simple verb, removing only its internal arguments. Since Persian does not have obligatory wh-movement, sluicing is derived through a different movement operation, one that may be driven by information structure.

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Quantification in Persian

With Hayedeh Nasser. To appear in Handbook of quantifiers in natural language, 2nd edition, Edward L. Keenan and Denis Paperno, eds.

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